The Economics of Black Race Hoaxes by Nicholas Stix

Although 22 witnesses had already contradicted the black attackers’ claims, the latter were never arrested, and indeed, demanded that their white victims be arrested.

Before Trayvon Martin had even been buried, his parents were seeking to cash in on his death, to the tune of millions of dollars.

They contacted a black lawyer, Benjamin Crump, who had engineered a race hoax in the boot camp death of black juvenile delinquent Martin Lee Anderson and gotten a $7.15 million settlement from the state of Florida. [Trayvon Martin Case Repeats 2006 “Playbook” for Martin Lee Anderson by Dan Riehl and Lee Stranahan, Big Journalism, April 2, 2012.]

Crump’s method is extra-legal but typical of the tactics developed since the 1960s by the trial lawyer-Ralph Nader alliance: he gets his journalistic and political allies (e.g. Al Sharpton) to steamroll the authorities with race hoax demagoguery, forcing them to settle before trial. Thus the hoax, and Crump’s limited litigation skills, are never actually tested in court.

Black race hoaxes have become a big, well-organized business. They divert millions and even billions of dollars from Americans to blacks and their non-black allies—in addition to the trillions that have already been seized and directed blackward, via government coercion, from white taxpayers. [See my America’s Debt to Blacks Already Paid in Full, Middle American News, August 2001.]

From 1954 to 1987, the occasional hoaxes, often involving false charges of “police brutality”, were typically more about power, and helping black criminals, than money. (For example, Howard Beach.)

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